Children and the Afterlife of State Violence: Memories of Dictatorship

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This was followed by an Arrow Cross coup in Budapest on the same day. Arrow Cross rule, despite lasting only three months, was brutal. Death squads killed as many as 38, Hungarians. Arrow Cross officers helped Adolf Eichmann re-activate the deportation proceedings from which the Jews of Budapest had previously been spared, sending some 80, Jews out of the city on slave labor details and many more straight to death camps. Many Jewish males of conscription age were already serving as slave labor for the Hungarian Army's Forced Labor Battalions.

Most of them died, including many who were murdered outright after the end of the fighting as they were returning home. Quickly formed battalions raided the Yellow Star Houses and combed the streets, hunting down Jews claimed to be partisans and saboteurs since Jews attacked Arrow Cross squads at least six to eight times with gunfire.

Red Army troops reached the outskirts of the city in December , and the Battle of Budapest began, although it has often been claimed that there is no proof that the Arrow Cross members and the Germans conspired to destroy the Budapest ghetto. As control of the city's institutions began to decay, the Arrow Cross trained their guns on the most helpless possible targets: patients in the beds of the city's two Jewish hospitals on Maros Street and Bethlen Square, and residents in the Jewish poorhouse on Alma Road. The Arrow Cross government effectively fell at the end of January , when the Soviet Army took Pest and their enemies forces retreated across the Danube to Buda.

After the war, many of the Arrow Cross leaders were captured and tried for war crimes. Kun's cassock remains on permanent display at the House of Terror in Budapest. Furthermore, several secretaries working for the British Army High Command in Dublin were also working as spies for Collins. Lloyd George agreed to the proposal, and advertisements were filed in British newspapers. Former enlisted men were formed into the Black and Tans , so called because of their mixture of British Army and police uniforms. Veterans who had held officers rank were formed into the Auxiliary Division , the members of which were higher paid and received better supplies.

Members of both units, however, were despised by Irish civilians, against whom the "Tans" and "Auxies" routinely retaliated for IRA raids and assassinations. To make matters worse, it was also far from unheard of for the regular British Army , the Royal Irish Constabulary , or the Dublin Metropolitan Police to use the same tactics. In many cases, mixed forces of Army, policemen, and paramilitaries would abduct, torture, and summarily execute Irish civilians who were unconnected with the IRA. This further eroded support for the British rule among the Irish people.

This sparked a " pogrom " against the Catholic residents of the town. On Bloody Sunday , Collins' men set out to assassinate members of a British army intelligence known as the Cairo Gang , killing or fatally wounding fifteen men, some of whom were unconnected to the Gang.

In one incident, the IRA group was heard to scream, "May the Lord have mercy on your souls", before opening fire. My one intention was the destruction of the undesirables who continued to make miserable the lives of ordinary decent citizens. I have proof enough to assure myself of the atrocities which this gang of spies and informers have committed.

If I had a second motive it was no more than a feeling such as I would have for a dangerous reptile. By their destruction the very air is made sweeter. For myself, my conscience is clear.


There is no crime in detecting in wartime the spy and the informer. They have destroyed without trial. I have paid them back in their own coin. That afternoon, British security forces opened fire into the crowd during a Gaelic football match at Croke Park , killing 14 and wounding 68 players and spectators. The hostilities ended in with the signing of the Anglo-Irish Treaty , which guaranteed the independence of the Irish Free State.

After independence, Irish nationalist movement divided over the terms of the Anglo-Irish Treaty, which granted a partitioned Ireland Dominion status within the British Empire. As a result, the Irish Civil War was fought between those Irish nationalists who accepted the Treaty and those who considered it treasonous. Although fought between men who had recently served together against the British, the fighting was often without quarter and brutal atrocities were committed by both sides.

This General Order sanctioned the assassination of certain judges and newspaper editors. Among these attacks were the burning of the house of TD James McGarry , resulting in the death of his seven-year-old son and the murder of Free state minister Kevin O'Higgins elderly father and burning of his family home at Stradbally in early After the motion passed, all four men were executed by firing squad on December 8, During the conflict, at least 73 other captured IRA men were treated in the same fashion—some following court martial , others without trial.

There are no conclusive figures for the number of unofficial executions of captured IRA insurgents, but Republican officer Todd Andrews estimated At the beginning of the Civil War, the Irish State formed a special counter-terrorism police, which was called the Criminal Investigation Department. Despite the best efforts of the Anti-Treaty forces, both the Irish Army and the CID proved highly effective in both combat and intelligence work. One tactic involved placing IRA message couriers under surveillance, which routinely led the Irish security forces to senior members of the insurgency.

Twenty days later, Lynch's successor, Frank Aiken , gave the order to, "Surrender and dump arms. There were death squads used by both the Falangists and Republicans during this conflict. Stalin, Yezhov , and Beria distrusted Soviet participants in the Spanish war. Military advisors like Vladimir Antonov-Ovseenko , journalists like Koltsov were open to infection by the heresies, especially Trotsky 's, prevalent among the Republic's supporters.

NKVD agents sent to Spain were therefore keener on abducting and murdering anti-Stalinists among Republican leaders and International Brigade commanders than on fighting Franco. The defeat of the Republic, in Stalin's eyes, was caused not by the NKVD's diversionary efforts, but by the treachery of the heretics. I have come to think, especially since my trip to Spain, that civil liberties must be protected at every stage. In Spain I am sure that the introduction of GPU methods by the Communists did as much harm as their tank men, pilots and experienced military men did good.

The trouble with an all powerful secret police in the hands of fanatics, or of anybody, is that once it gets started there's no stopping it until it has corrupted the whole body politic. Walter Janka, a veteran of the Republican forces who remembers him described Mielke's career as follows,.

While I was fighting at the front, shooting at the Fascists, Mielke served in the rear, shooting Trotskyites and Anarchists. They were active from until , operating under Spanish Socialist Workers' Party cabinets from During this period, the organization became a "death squad" [] engaged in " street killings and gunbattles ". During the troubles in Northern Ireland accusations of collusion between the British state and Loyalist terror groups have been longstanding, with several army units implicated in accusations of collusion. James's Crescent shooting and the drive-by shooting of the New Lodge Six.

The unit was accused of acting in collusion with loyalist paramilitaries by former intelligence personnel Fred Holroyd and Colin Wallace in regards to the death of senior Provisional Irish Republican Army member John Francis Green , the Miami Showband killings and the Dublin and Monaghan bombings. The unit was found to have colluded with loyalist terror groups in the murder of civilians. Their Internal Security Unit , commonly known as "the nutting squad", which carried out the killing of suspected informers and "collaborators" with the British security forces.

In addition to the VRS, a paramilitary unit from Serbia known as the Scorpions participated in the massacre.

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In , in a unanimous ruling on the "Prosecutor v. The first organized use of death squad violence in Russia dates from the 16th century reign of Ivan the Terrible , the first Russian monarch to claim the title of Tsar. Named the Oprichniki , they wore quivers which contained brooms, symbolizing their mission to ferret the enemies of the Tsar.

They dressed in black garb, which was similar to a Russian Orthodox monastic habit , and bore the insignia of a severed dog's head to sniff out treason and the enemies of the Tsar and a broom to sweep them away. The dog's head was also symbolic of their "nipping at the heels of the Tsar's enemies. They also rode black horses in order to inspire a greater level of terror. Their oath of allegiance was: I swear to be true to the Lord, Grand Prince, and his realm, to the young Grand Princes, and to the Grand Princess, and not to maintain silence about any evil that I may know or have heard or may hear which is being contemplated against the Tsar, his realms, the young princes or the Tsaritsa.

I swear also not to eat or drink with the zemshchina, and not to have anything in common with them. On this I kiss the cross. Led by Malyuta Skuratov , the Oprichniki routinely tortured and executed whomever the Tsar suspected of treason, including boyars , merchants, clergymen, commoners, and even entire cities. The memoirs of Heinrich von Staden , provide a detailed description of both the Tsar's motivations and the inner workings of the Oprichniki. The Metropolitan gave a sermon in the Tsar's presence in which he rebuked Ivan for terrorizing and murdering large numbers of innocent people and their families.

Enraged, Tsar Ivan convened a Church council which declared Metropolitan Philip defrocked and imprisoned in a monastery for delinquent clergy. Years later, Tsar Ivan sent an emissary demanding Metropolitan Philip's blessing on his plans for the Novgorod massacre. Metropolitan Philip said, "Only the good are blessed. Enraged, Tsar Ivan sent Skuratov to personally strangle the Metropolitan in his monastic cell. In later centuries, Russian Tsars would declare a state of emergency and use death squad tactics in order to suppress domestic uprisings like Pugachev's Rebellion and the Russian Revolution of Those captured in arms against the Tsar's forces were tried by military tribunals before being hanged or shot.

According to Simon Sebag Montefiore , being caught wearing similar clothing to Anti-Tsarist militias was often enough for court martial followed by execution. These tactics were continued by the anti-communist White Movement during the Russian Civil War Opponents of the House of Romanov also carried out targeted killings of those deemed as enemies of Socialism, which was referred to as individual terror. These tactics were drastically accelerated following the October Revolution.

Especially between and , the CPSU routinely ordered the abduction, torture, and execution of massive numbers of real and suspected anti-communists. Those with upper class origins were routinely targeted in this way during the early years of the Soviet Union. Most of the repression was committed by the regular forces of the state, like the army and the police, but there were also many cases of clandestine and covert operations.

Kutepov is alleged to have had a heart attack before he could be smuggled back to Moscow, and shot. General Miller was not so fortunate and died in Moscow's Lubianka Prison. In the post-war period, the Russian Orthodox Church collaborated with the Soviet State in a campaign to eliminate Eastern Rite Catholicism in the newly annexed regions of Soviet-ruled Ukraine.

Even in the post-Stalin era, the Soviet secret police continued to assassinate anti-communists in the West. Both deaths were believed to be accidental until , when their murderer, Bohdan Stashynsky , defected to the West with his wife and voluntarily surrendered to West German authorities. The Russian military has been accused of using death squads against Chechen insurgents. The Iron Guard of Egypt was a pro-palace political movement or a secret palace organization which assassinated Farouk of Egypt 's enemies or a secret unit with a licence to kill, which was believed to personally take orders from Farouk.

It was involved in several deadly incidents. During the s and 70s, it was accused of using death squads.

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However, the same treatment was also meted out to senior officers in the Iranian military. Other cases exist of Iranians opposed to the Islamic Republic who have been tracked down and murdered abroad. One of the most notorious examples of this remains the Mykonos restaurant assassinations in Berlin, Germany.

The Iranian government's victims include civilians who have been killed by "death squads" that operate under the control of government agents but these killing operations have been denied by the Iranian government. This was particularly the case during the s when more than 80 writers, translators, poets, political activists, and ordinary citizens who had been critical of the government in some way, disappeared or were found murdered.

This information was almost certainly used. Later, The Iranian regime occasionally used death squads throughout the s, 80s, and 90s. However, by the s, it seems to have almost if not entirely ceased its operations. This partial Westernization of the country can be seen as paralleling similar events in Lebanon , the United Arab Emirates , and Northern Iraq beginning in the late s. Iraq was formed by the British from three provinces of the Ottoman Empire following the empire's breakup after World War I.

Its population is overwhelmingly Muslim but is divided into Shiites and Sunnis, with a Kurdish minority in the north. The new state leadership in the capital of Baghdad was formerly composed of, for the most part, the old Sunni Arab elite. After Saddam Hussein was overthrown by the UK—US invasion in the secular socialist Baathist leadership were replaced with a provisional and later constitutional government that included leadership roles for the Shia and Kurds.

This paralleled the development of ethnic militias by the Shia, Sunni, and the Kurdish Peshmerga. During the course of the Iraq War the country has increasingly become divided into three zones: a Kurdish ethnic zone to the north, a Sunni center and the Shia ethnic zone to the south. While all three groups have operated death squads, [] in the national capital of Baghdad some members of the now Shia police department and army formed unofficial, unsanctioned, but long tolerated death squads.

These groups operated either by night or by day. They usually arrested people, then either tortured [] or killed them. The victims of these attacks were predominantly young males who had probably been suspected of being members of the Sunni insurgency. Agitators such as Abdul Razaq al-Na'as, Dr. Abdullateef al-Mayah, and Dr. Wissam Al-Hashimi have also been killed. Women and children have also been arrested or killed. In , the US dispatched James Steele as an envoy and special training adviser to the Iraqi Special Police Commandos who were later accused of torture and death squad activities.

Steele had served in El Salvador in the s, where he helped train government units involved in human rights violations death squads in their war against the FMLNF. Death squads were active during the civil war from to The number of people who disappeared during the conflict is put around 17, Many human rights organisations like Amnesty International are campaigning against extrajudicial punishment along with the UN.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Terrorism Definitions History Incidents. By ideology. Violent extremism Ethnic violence Militia movement Resistance movement. Methods Tactics. Terrorist groups. Designated terrorist groups Charities accused of ties to terrorism. Response to terrorism.

Counter-terrorism International conventions Anti-terrorism legislation Terrorism insurance. See also: murders of U. Main article: Rapid Action Battalion. Main article: Khmer Rouge. Main article: killing of Bengali intellectuals. Main article: Secret killings of Assam. Main articles: Indonesian mass killings of — and Petrus killings. Main article: Einsatzgruppen. See also: Aginter Press. Main articles: List of massacres in Turkey and Political violence in Turkey — Main article: Srebrenica Massacre.

Further information: Chain Murders of Iran. United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. Cioran, Eliade, Ionesco. L'oubli du fascisme. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, , Baltimore Sun. The Times. Retrieved 1 May Planet Ark. Retrieved 13 November The Washington Post. Al Jazeera Africa. Retrieved 18 January Apaches: A History and Culture Portrait. University of Oklahoma Press. Pioneer Trails West. Caxton Press. SquareOne Publishers. Retrieved 5 April BBC News Mundo.

Hyer ed. San Marcos. Yale University Press. Brenner and Bruce B. Campbell, Eds.

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Martin's Press Los Angeles Times. The Baltimore Sun. Republic Broadcasting Network. Archived from the original on 23 July Retrieved 3 August Derechos Human Rights. Archived from the original on 4 December June Archived from the original PDF on 20 July National Catholic Reporter. Archived from the original on 1 August Retrieved 5 August Z Communications. Archived from the original on 24 December Retrieved 1 August Archived from the original on 24 September Retrieved 7 August Archived from the original on 5 August MAC: Mines and Communities.

Archived from the original on 17 September Archived from the original on 13 October NSA Archive. Retrieved 4 May The Daily Beast. BBC News. The Independent. Archived from the original on 22 May Deutsche Welle. The Intercept. Huffington Post. Retrieved 28 November El Poder Paramilitar. Retrieved 15 March El Tiempo.

The Guardian. Archived from the original on 19 February Archived from the original on 16 April Human Rights Watch. Retrieved 2 April NBC News. The Daily Star. Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation. Prothom Alo. Retrieved 21 January Swedish Radio.

  1. Death squad;
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  4. Retrieved 27 November New Age. Retrieved 31 August Archived from the original on 20 February India Today. But no one killed them". South Asia Terrorism Portal. Himal SouthAsian. Internet Archive. Retrieved 20 August Blumenthal and Timothy L. McCormack eds. International Humanitarian Law.

    Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. Al Jazeera , December 21, Retrieved August 20, Associated Press. Channel 4. An encyclopedic dictionary of conflict and conflict resolution, Google books. Greenwood Publishing Group. Retrieved 6 December Central European University. Archived from the original on 2 February Retrieved 20 May Michael Collins. Arrow Books. Pages — Page Historical Dictionary of Terrorism. Lanham, Maryland: Scarecrow Press. In Art from a Fractured Past: Memory and Truth-Telling in Post—Shining Path Peru , editor Cynthia Milton has gathered leading anthropologists, artists, literary theorists, musicologists, and historians, whose contributions compose a fascinating and coherent collection.

    As Milton writes, the essays explore the potential of artistic expression in ways that mere words or statistics may not. Community participation in the contests is high, and community artists find voice and perhaps some catharsis as they render drawings and paintings that document both intimate and collective violence. The excerpt demonstrates the intricacy and sophistication of a visual frame, the detail allowed a close viewer, as the artists reveal the complexity of the case.

    Ortega is clear that while his movies have brought wide acclaim, he makes them for fellow ayacuchanos. Garza on the powerful works of the famed theater troupe Yuyachkani, and ethnomusicologist Jonathan Ritter on songs of testimony from rural Ayacucho. Each chapter is as strong as the rest. Caro relates the fluidity of commemorative performances to ongoing tensions, silences, and quests for recognition and resources in one Andean community. Ritter relays the intricate meanings of testimonial composers. Historian Steve J.

    Stern provides an instructive afterword that relates art and memory of Peru to broader traditions in both post-Holocaust and Latin American art criticism. As a whole, the volume beautifully coheres to privilege creativity and the deep structural and conjunctural violence that marks Peru, past and present.

    Like most collections on memory in Latin America to date including this review , the volume favors analyses focused on memories of violence in Chile and Argentina under dictatorship, but there are also fascinating essays that take readers into colonialism and its reinventions in Peru, Mexico, and the Dominican Republic, and into gender-, race-, and class-based violence on the Mexican border and in Venezuela in the context of late twentieth-century neoliberalism. There are also chapters on literature, translation, and the exhumed and yet-to-be-exhumed dead in Spain.

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    Women and gendered memories are importantly represented in the volume. The Cotton Field Memorial to victims of feminicide represents a site of activism as well as mourning, even as families also recognized the memorial as a poor, even offensive, response to atrocity and loss. Selfa A. The three remaining books are close studies of the institutional armature and politics facilitating major memorial sites in Argentina, Chile, and Germany.

    Using distinct disciplinary approaches urban studies and architecture, anthropology, and performance studies , each examines the messy, ongoing processes of establishing the sites of historic conscience that are widely visited today. Brigitte Sion makes a comparative study of the commemorative architectural and artistic projects of the Parque de la Memoria in Buenos Aires and the Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe in Berlin.

    In addition, both Guglielmucci and Rozas have participated in different ways in the sites they analyze—Rozas as an architect who ultimately forms part of a successful design team for the grounds of the site, and Guglielmucci as a former staff person on the Human Rights Board for the city of Buenos Aires, a body charged with developing the legal and bureaucratic decision-making norms over time in relation to sites of historic conscience in the city. The stadium is also undeniably associated with the repression of the dictatorship.

    Yet Rozas shows how this claim proved unfounded. Rozas does a meticulous analysis of National Stadium plans and projects through several decades, as much of the approved design for the massive sixty-four-hectare grounds as well as the Coliseum remained incomplete. She convincingly argues that attempts to improve on the original design would only contribute to the deterioration of the physical plant, even as the stadium played an increasingly important role in presidential politics.

    It is interesting that, according to Rozas, the decision to preserve and thereby memorialize section eight stadium seating—as wooden planks, rather than the new, contemporary individual seats that came from a major renovation—did not come from either proposal but from then education minister Sergio Bitar, himself a former political prisoner. As Rozas says, this decision was beyond even the hopes of the ex—political prisoners group, who assumed that such a visible presence within the stadium stands was unthinkable.

    Rozas gives the preservation a negative review, arguing that most stadium-goers most likely do not know the meaning of the memorial and that it interferes with other imperatives of the space. The planks invite us to ask what happened; they evoke curiosity as well as acknowledgment, in ways that more conventional memorials might not.

    Often a generation or more after the fact, women are sharing stories of their atrocious treatment, which was usually followed by the loss of employment, alienation, and shame and stigma, even within their own families. The fact that the stadium privileges survivor testimonies in ways other sacred sites do not is quite significant. What is involved in establishing and maintaining such a site of memory? Perhaps most important, it requires a dedicated core of memory activists. One of the most impressive dimensions of the National Stadium site today is the small army of young volunteers.

    Most of the volunteers were born after the dictatorship. They guide school visits, run film series, coordinate artist circles and workshops, and support older survivors. The weekly activities that volunteers facilitate are over and above the visits of the thousand or more Chileans who arrive with their families at the stadium each September 11 to light candles, create installations, listen to testimonies, and mourn. I would argue that every major site of memory involves conflict from start to unending finish, and every site can also surprisingly come to thrive, even under less than stellar conditions regarding resources and institutional will.

    Like traumatic memory itself, sites can be engaged, become dormant, and then be reengaged in unanticipated ways. Her research involved mountains of documents, interviews with an enormous number of protagonists, and participation in dozens of meetings among advocates and legislators. Argentina is no stranger to public argument, and Guglielmucci conveys with sensitivity and respect the contested nature of the diverse, divergent discussions regarding memory and memorialization. The professionalization of sites today is evident even in what were some of the most conflictive struggles to establish them.

    Like Rozas, Guglielmucci includes an extensive review of the debates regarding how memory is conceptualized in relation to commemorative sites. For activists who had championed the demand for truth and justice, memory—that is, particular memories of state terrorism—became a third value, an end point to be insisted upon through sites of memory. For academics, Guglielmucci explains, memory must be conceptualized as a social process, a social construction with all its disparate, dialectical battles over which memories, what time period, who should be described as what, what objects, toward what purposes, all the while recognizing that a consensus is highly unlikely and perhaps even undesirable.

    Drawing primarily from meetings and forums over many years, particularly regarding establishing the ex-ESMA as well as other former clandestine detention and disappearance sites, Guglielmucci replays and evaluates the complexity of the ongoing decision-making processes and trade-offs. Guglielmucci then analyzes the relationships of these processes to agencies of the Argentine state, another complex and often brand new set of layers crucial to the outcomes and sustaining of the sites.

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    The author illustrates how the newly created Autonomous City of Buenos Aires government proved the most consistent supporter of memorialization initiatives, given close ties between official representatives and human rights organizations, even as the local government itself struggled to create functioning bodies to support and regulate decision making. Guglielmucci underscores the basic point that sympathetic bureaucrats can be essential to successful social movements. As an anthropologist, Guglielmucci includes a chapter on rituals and performances that anchor a human rights conscience through the ebbs and flows of national politics.